How did Rodrigo Roa Duterte win last 2016 elections?
What kind of campaign did he use?
How was he able to position himself amidst all the other political candidates?

It is said that if Duterte didn’t exist, we might as well create him.

The story of Duterte’s rise to power didn’t start from his being elected as Mayor of Davao.

It was more complicated than that.

A lot of factors are needed to be considered when trying to analyze his persona.

One would need to study Duterte’s habits, character and the way he handled his politics in a place considered as one of the most impoverished and violent places in the country.

But that would take years and years of close study with the man himself, perhaps mapping out his philosophy and understanding his motivations and interests.

This is not the goal of this article.

This article comes from the point of view of the bystander, the talks with the simple man/woman on the street and the hundreds of Facebook posts, tweets, conversations, media reports and observations with Duterte’s followers and critics.

But mostly it comes from my personal experiences and grappling with the ideology that his political machinery espouses.

Magnified Victimhood Mentality

Perhaps the main platform and thesis of Duterte’s strength is how he continues to successfully divide the people and the country, literally and figuratively.

He posits with the concept of grand victimhood, of being a by-product of “Imperial Manila’s” greed and corruption.

This assertion while not being completely true can also never be completely wrong, however, it is easy to use this narrative because the ravages of poverty is more immediate in the eyes of the people of Mindanao compared to the entire country.

You see, the history and culture of Mindanao are far removed from the entire country, being that it has been ravaged by war and poverty since Spanish colonizers came to power.

And that becomes another narrative that chooses to implicitly refuse to recognize the entire nation’s narrative from its independence from Spain to being a sovereign nation.

As far as most people of Mindanao is concerned, they are the “original” Filipinos akin to the American Indians of the U.S.

But it does not end there, the terrible tragedy of the south and the existing narrative resulted to deepen “Tribalism & Regionalism” which resulted to Duterte utilizing this division in enhancing his mass base and mobilizing grass-root organizations.

This is highly evident when he used the slogan in his campaign run “Bisaya Na Pod” (It’s Time for the Visayan) capturing the imagination and fantasy of having the first President from Mindanao who was able to experience firsthand the “crimes” perpetuated by “Oligarchs” of “Imperial Manila”.

Unconsciously Duterte’s use of the Bisaya language also affirmed the overall experience of Filipinos from the south, whose shared experience is discrimination based on their identity.

It did not help that Visayan’s are usually cast as maids, helpers, drivers and made fun of because of their accent in T.V. shows and movies since the beginning of Philippine cinema.

This strengthened Duterte’s mass base even further, people who consider themselves victims of this massive discrimination started to come out of the woodwork, they recognize and associate themselves completely with the persona of Duterte also a victim of again “oligarchs” and “Imperial Manila”.

They thought that perhaps this time their voices will really be heard, surely a person who came from one of the poorest regions of the country will be able to understand their plight, and institute “changes” in society if he’s able to grasp the power of national government.

Besides, he has the experience of being one of the longest serving mayors in the country who almost single-handedly made Davao the way it is today.

The problem with this narrative is that it failed to account the reasons for the greed and corruption of the entire political system the entire country was predicated upon, resulting to its massive poverty. In effect Duterte and his followers just assumed that poverty will be non-existent if only he has the reins of power and his trusted aides. A standard populist leader’s move and worldview.

The brilliance of Duterte’s political narrative had been to always shift the blame to a symptom instead of addressing the root of the problem.

And this time the symptom Duterte blamed is the failure of the previous government to address DRUG ADDICTION and his answer to this is by becoming the strict father everyone needed to discipline his spoiled children.

The intended effect thereof is it created an illusion of fear and creating the need for an iron fisted ruler.

Duterte after winning the Presidency would eventually bloat the number of drug addicts in the country, paving the way to Extra-Judicial Killings (EJK) resulting to thousands of Filipinos dead.

A Campaign Platform Based on Resentment, Arrogance & Deceit

While other candidates’ trumpets on hopes, dreams, promises, perhaps Duterte was the only candidate who empowered resentment.

He was quick to use his speeches as a vehicle for blaming anyone or anything in that manner.

It also did not help when Duterte’s fake news abounded social media, as its consolidated attacks against mainstream media became a stepping stone to mirror his pronouncements while fueling sensationalism and controversy.

Duterte and his PR team were able to utilize social media effectively by controlling social discourse and reduce all the ills of society to a Marxist framework of power and exploitation. Something which is rampant in how the left simplifies and reduces all the ills of society only as between a victim and oppressor.

The rich versus the poor.
The Visayan versus the Manilenyo
The oligarchs versus the working class

Given the above assertions by Duterte the entire structure of Philippine society became victim to the reduction and trappings of group identity as its sole explanation for everything that is wrong in the country while irrationally positing that there is a need for an alternative nay a “savior” in a grander sense of the narrative.

Utilizing Identity Politics & The Left

Identity Politics is defined by the Merriam Webster Dictionary as : politics in which groups of people having a particular racial, religious, ethnic, social, or cultural identity tend to promote their own specific interests or concerns without regard to the interests or concerns of any larger political group.

The dangers of identity politics are highly evidenced by the experiences of Marxist regimes like Russia, China, Cambodia, where millions of people were murdered, tortured and jailed not only because they belonged to a different class of society but that they also do not share the same values of the “dictatorship of the proletariat”.

It is interesting to note that the CPP-NPA-NDF, considered as the longest Marxist group in existence in waging a protracted people’s war, and has since enjoyed the Philippine political space by fielding legal fronts under party lists, has never waned in their influence.

The Marxist worldview albeit not entirely practiced in the entire country has always been tolerated amongst the intellectuals belonging to the Academe (mostly U.P. and its other branches in the country along with its other public school counterparts) and the intellectual circles of society.

It is an open secret that the CPP-NPA-NDF has worked side by side with Duterte in all his years as mayor of Davao, this is further realized when the left helped him in his election campaign thus ensuring his Presidential win.

Therefore, it was just a matter of time until the narrative that “Elite Democracy” is to blame for all the ills of society. (More on this ideology here)

The only reason the left has to offer to justify such narrative is to point at the increasing gap between the rich and the poor, without (again just like Duterte) viewing it in the right historical and economic context. It also did not help that the moderate left (the one’s belonging to the RJ group after the Re-Affirm (RA) and Reject (RJ) split also believes the same narrative)

And who else is the recipient of this blame but the “Yellows” the previous administration, believers of Liberal Democracy or the so called “Dilawans”, the “Capitalists”. The people who are tasked to continue the promise of EDSA 1986. The people who were mostly responsible for upholding the 1987 constitution.

Duterte and the left using the Marxist framework proceeded to do its work of demonizing and discrediting the spirit of EDSA. Arguing that the “Yellows” betrayed its moral mandate by promoting (you guess it right) “Elite Democracy” a democracy that only serves the interest of the few “Oligarchs” and of “Imperial Manila” (further magnifying regionalism). Duterte and the left was so successful in pushing this narrative as such that there are only a handful of people left in the Liberal Party after Duterte sat in power. This also weakened support for Liberal Democracy from the masses.

Make no mistake about it, the language Duterte used in his Presidential campaign are all leftist language, in fact even his son Baste Duterte, went around the country proclaiming that his father’s brand of political ideology was leftist.

Duterte is a leftist populist leader and a master of schismo­genesis, who upon wresting power decided to go and bite the leftist hands that propelled him to Malakanyang.

The Return of The Marcoses In Malakanyang Via Duterteb n

I have half a mind to state that the Marcoses never left the country. Indeed, if at all they just remained dormant and given their temerity and the stubbornness of their supporters, they were able to return in the good graces of Philippine Politics.

Since the 1986 EDSA People Power Insurrection (yes, it was an insurrection, not a revolution) no one was made accountable for all the crimes of the dictator.

There has been no torturer, jailer, murderer that has been brought to justice under the eyes of Pres. Cory Aquino to say the least and even after she stepped down from power.

There has been no law passed that would block the Marcoses specifically or their followers inside the government to not be able to run for office.

Worse, the education department did not bother to include the lessons of martial law in its textbooks.

It is as if Marcos and Martial Law never happened.

However, giving the benefit of the doubt to Pres. Cory Aquino and her administration, the country at that time was in massive debt and like an old car wreck it was running on fumes. In short, there was no budget in the government. Everything was siphoned out by the Marcoses after they left the country.

Not to mention the twelve coup-de-Etat’s that Pres. Cory Aquino underwent that time, one can only wonder how much more she and her family could suffer.

Still, it behooves me to ask, what happened to civil society at that time? Why did we allow the return of the Marcoses in the country and even the body of the dictator back in Ilocos?

One would have to look at the available political opposition at that time, which was the massive left that gained popularity under martial law but was eventually dismissed after EDSA 1986.

The problem was that around that time the radical left (national democrats) itself, which was the prominently active voice of the opposition (aside from the social democrats) was also having a war with itself by having purges all over the country, which would eventually result to a massive cleavage of the once strong monolithic party and having them break into different factions of Re-Affirm (RA) and Reject (RJ) groups and would soon find each other killing their former comrades.

The Marcoses in the middle of these political skirmishes and with the support of then President Fidel V. Ramos a second degree cousin of Ferdinand Marcos and one of the Rolex 12 discreetly brought themselves back in the country.

Unfortunately, the narrative of having received the Marcoses back in the country also meant the implicit acceptance of their return to society and being forgiven of their atrocities, this became a prevalent theme in the circles of the Marcos family’s campaign and future supporters.

This narrative became so strong that they were able to wrest power again in the different branches of government. Imelda Marcos became a congresswoman, Imee Marcos became Governor of Ilocos (her son also holding key government position) and Bong-Bong Marcos became senator and came in second for the Vice-Presidency in the 2016 Elections.

These wins sealed the next move that the Marcoses would eventually make in the advent of the internet, and that is by sanitizing the Martial Law of Ferdinand Marcos and actively promoting historical negationism through social media, an added advantage and benefit for Duterte as it empowered his strongman persona.

The Marcos Family will eventually be found utilizing Duterte the way they utilized his father Vicente Duterte throughout his entire political life, in exchange for the promise of having their Dictator patriarch buried in the Libingan ng mga Bayani.

Duterte’s Presidential Win

Duterte won because he was able to rally the different sectors of society with different political personalities chief of them was Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and the previous presidents of the country like Fidel V. Ramos and Joseph Estrada.

But what is more surprising is that he was also able to unite with the radical left, the Muslim secessionists of Mindanao along with the Marcoses and most of all having the backing of a rising superpower – China.

Duterte was also able to take hold of the middle and lower class plus an influential number of the upper class.

By further utilizing social media platforms through fake news and paid trolls, he was also able to sway public opinion and demolish all his political opponents.

It is interesting to note that Duterte never lost a single election his entire political life as mentioned in the book “Beyond Will & Power: A Biography of President Rodrigo Roa Duterte” by Earl G. Parreño

Yet, according to Professor Randy David: Duterte did not win by a majority, but by a simple plurality of just over 39 percent of the total votes cast for president. This means that 60 percent of the voters—the majority—did not choose him as their president.

Nonetheless Duterte’s political machinery was enough for him to consistently top satisfaction ratings and polls, regardless of the number of scandals he was faced with while maintaining his continuous rise to fame and power not to mention his immense luck.

So you see, this strange confluence of Duterte’s wit and charm only equaled by his “Masa” appeal and diplomatic genius would eventually seal the fate of Philippine Democracy that while after becoming President, he unceremoniously sent to jail Senator Leila Delima, removed from the Supreme Court, Chief Justice Lourdes Sereno and convict Rapplers Maria Ressa while shutting down ABS-CBN.

Recommended Reading: “Beyond Will & Power: A Biography of President Rodrigo Roa Duterte” by Earl G. Parreño

(CTTO of the image)